United Nations
Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW)
Department of
Economic and Social Affairs (DESA)
Economic
Commission for Africa (ECA)
Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)
Equal Participation of
Women and Men in Decision-Making Processes,
with Particular Emphasis on
Political Participation and Leadership
Report of the Expert Group
Meeting
Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia
24 – 27 October 2005
Division for the Advancement of
Women
Department of Economic and Social Affairs
2 UN Plaza, 12th Floor
New York, NY 10017
Fax: (212) 963-3463
Email: daw@un.org
Website: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw
I.
INTRODUCTION
1.
In accordance
with its multi-year programme of work for 2001-2006, the Commission on the
Status of Women (CSW) will consider “Equal participation of women and men in
decision-making processes at all levels” as one of two thematic issues during
its fiftieth session in 2006. In order to contribute to a further understanding
of this issue and to assist the Commission in its deliberations, the United
Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) in the Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, in collaboration with the Inter-Parliamentary Union
(IPU) and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), organized an Expert Group
Meeting (EGM) on “Equal participation of women and men in decision-making
processes, with particular emphasis on political participation and leadership”.
The EGM was hosted by the Economic Commission for Africa in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, from 24 to 27 October 2005.
2.
The findings and
recommendations of the Expert Group Meeting will be presented at the panel
discussion on equal participation of women and men in decision-making processes
during the fiftieth session of the
Commission on the Status of Women.
3.
The expert group
meeting analyzed the current situation of women in decision-making
processes, with particular emphasis on women’s political participation and
leadership at the international, national, regional and local levels. It
discussed the conditions that facilitate women’s representation in
decision-making processes within the context of current socio-economic and
political transformations, and examined the linkages between women’s presence in
decision-making and their impact on the mainstreaming of a gender perspective
into policies and programmes. The expert group meeting adopted policy
recommendations to advance women’s participation and leadership through, inter alia, capacity-building,
coalition-building and gender-sensitive institutional policies, programmes and
mechanisms, based on the identification of the most promising practices and
lessons learned to date. The
report that follows is the outcome of deliberations of the independent
experts.
4.
The Expert Group
Meeting (EGM) on “Equal participation of women and men in decision-making
processes, with particular emphasis on political participation and leadership”
was attended by nine independent experts from different regions and six
observers (three from the United Nations, two members of parliament (MPs) and
one parliamentary staff person from Kenya), one consultant. Two representatives
from the Division for Advancement of Women, four representatives from ECA and
one representative from the IPU also attended the meeting (See annex
I).
- a background paper prepared by a
consultant on behalf of the Division for the Advancement of Women
-
an overview
paper prepared by IPU
- twelve papers prepared by experts
-
two papers
prepared by observers
6.
This report and
all documentation relating to the meeting are available online at the website of
the Division for the Advancement of Women: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw.
7.
At its opening session on 24 October 2005, the meeting adopted the
following programme of work (see Annex III):
-
Opening of the
meeting
-
Election of
officers and adoption of the programme of work
-
Presentation and
discussion of the Division for the Advancement of Women’s background paper and
papers prepared by experts and observers
-
Working groups
on issues and recommendations
-
Introduction of
draft report
- Adoption of final report
- Closing session
8.
The experts elected the following officers:
Chair:
Ms.Leslye Amede Obiora (Nigeria)
Rapporteur: Amy Mazur
(USA)
- Working group I – “Increasing numbers”, rapporteur Teresa Sacchet (Brazil)
- Working group II - “Women making a difference”, rapporteur Fiona Macaulay (UK)
11.
Ms. Roselyn
Odera, Chief of Gender Analysis Section at the Division for the Advancement of
Women, presented a statement on behalf of Ms. Carolyn Hannan, Director of the
Division. She thanked IPU and ECA for collaboration in the preparation of the
meeting, and the ECA, in particular, for hosting the meeting. She
welcomed the international experts, members of Parliament, United Nations
system representatives and observers from governmental and non-governmental
organizations. In her statement, Ms. Hannan identified
major achievements and challenges in promoting women’s equal participation in
decision-making processes at all levels. She indicated that the expert group
meeting had a special significance for the fiftieth session of the Commission on
the Status of Women, and noted that the
conclusions and recommendations of the meeting would assist the Commission
in its deliberations on the thematic issue.
III.
BACKGROUND
A. Plan of the
report
12. This report maps out various facets of the complex issue of the equal participation of men and women in decision-making identified by the experts. The report begins with a section which presents the international policy framework, followed by the conceptual framework for the report. Experts’ views in support of increasing numbers of women in decision-making, the status of women in positions of power, and the importance of going beyond numbers to assess the impact of women in top positions are then discussed. The issues of increasing the number of women and the quality of participation and representation are examined in sections IV and V of the report. The report concludes with the presentation of recommendations made by the experts in these two key areas.
B. International policy
framework
13. The Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing in 1995, drew attention to the persisting inequality between men and women in decision-making. The Beijing Platform for Action reaffirmed that women’s persistent exclusion from formal politics, in particular, raises a number of specific questions regarding the achievement of effective democratic transformations, in practice. It undermines the concept of democracy, which, by its nature, assumes that the right to vote and to be elected should be equally applied to all citizens, both women and men. The absence of women from political decision-making has a negative impact on the entire process of democratization. In addition, democratic institutions, including parliament, do not automatically achieve gender equality in terms of representation, or in terms of policy agenda setting and accountability.
14. The Beijing Platform for Action emphasized that “women’s equal participation in decision-making is not only a demand for justice or democracy, but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into account. Without the perspective of women at all levels of decision-making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved.” (Para 181)
15. The Beijing Platform for Action defined two strategic objectives in its critical area of concern on women in power and decision-making:
16. The following measures were recommended by the Beijing Platform for Action for the implementation of the first strategic objective: to achieve gender-balanced composition in governmental bodies and committees, as well as in public administration and in judiciary, including through setting specific targets and, if necessary, establishing a positive action policy; to integrate women into elective positions in political parties; to promote and protect women’s political rights; and to reconcile work and family responsibilities for both men and women.
17. For the second strategic objective, the Platform for Action recommended the organization of leadership and gender awareness training; the development of transparent criteria for decision-making positions; and the creation of a system of mentoring.
18. To accelerate the implementation of action in these areas, the Commission on the Status of Women, at its forty-first session in 1997, adopted Agreed Conclusions (1997/2), which emphasized that attaining the goal of equal participation of men and women in decision-making was important for strengthening democracy and achieving the goals of sustainable development. The Commission reaffirmed the need to identify and implement measures that would redress the under-representation of women in decision-making, including through the elimination of discriminatory practices and the introduction of positive action programmes.
19. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, in its Article 7, called upon States parties “to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country”. At its sixteenth session (1997), the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women adopted general recommendation 23 regarding the participation of women in political and public life. It emphasized that States parties should ensure that their constitutions and legislation complied with the principles of the Convention and that they were under obligation to take all necessary measures, including temporary special measures, to achieve the equal representation of women in political and public life.
20. In its resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security, the Security Council also reaffirmed the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building, and stressed the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, as well as the need to increase their role in decision-making.
21. Taking into account the importance of increasing women’s participation in positions of power and decision-making, the General Assembly, at its fifty-eighth session in 2003, adopted resolution 58/142 on women and political participation which urged Governments, the UN system, NGOs and other actors to develop a comprehensive set of policies and programmes to increase women’s participation in decision-making, including in conflict resolution and peace processes by addressing the existing obstacles facing women in their struggle for participation. The resolution also addressed the importance of supporting and generating political will, serious commitment to the promotion of the advancement of women and the goals of gender equality through the organization of awareness raising campaigns. The resolution requested the Secretary-General to include information on the political participation of women in his report to the fiftieth session of the Commission in 2006, when the Commission will consider the theme on equal participation of women and men in decision-making processes at all levels.
22. The ten-year review and appraisal of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action culminated at the forty-ninth session of the Commission in March 2005. Member States reported on the introduction of measures aimed at increasing the participation of women in decision-making at different levels. The Declaration adopted during the ten-year review and appraisal, while recognizing progress made, noted remaining gaps and challenges and called for accelerated implementation.
23.
The outcome of the September 2005 World
Summit also reaffirmed commitment to the equal participation of women and men in
decision-making. Member States resolved to promote the increased representation
of women in Government decision-making bodies, including through ensuring their
equal opportunity to participate fully in the political process.
C. Conceptual
Framework
24.
The experts discussed key issues arising from theoretical and
empirical insights made by scholars and activists working on issues of women’s
empowerment, political participation and representation. To understand equal
participation of women and men in decision-making processes, the following four
inter-related concepts were discussed:
·
Political participation, which allows for political agendas to
be developed by women ‘taking part in politics’ through a range of activities
such as discussion and debate, lobbying and activism in formal and informal
ways;
·
Political
representation,
which consists of the articulation and presentation of
political agendas of given groups by various actors in decision-making arenas
and key social forums in democratic societies. A range of actors and agencies can speak
for various interests and audiences, including political parties, members of
parliament, social movements and groups, as well as specific statebased agencies
promoting particular interests, such as national machineries for the advancement
of women. Group representation can be based on a variety of dimensions; for
example constituency interests, ascribed interests such as sex, ethnicity,
religion, and ideological interests – conservative, liberal or
socialist.
·
Political leadership, which cuts across both political
participation and political representation, by key individuals shaping political
agendas, taking the lead in articulating these and participating in their
translation into policy. The context in which these concepts are unfolding today
also needs to be taken into account.
·
Political accountability,
which is the requirement
for representatives and representative organizations to be responsible for their
decisions and mandates as defined by their positions. It also includes
representatives and leaders listening to and, when appropriate, acting upon
criticisms, requirements and demands of their publics, constituencies or the
electorate.
25.
The experts
agreed that women’s participation and representation in decision-making bodies
involves their enhanced presence as well as their empowerment through such
participation. They emphasized that women’s political leadership and
accountability are key cross-cutting issues. On the one hand, women’s political
leadership allows them to set agendas and, on the other hand, it is in such
roles that they are made responsive to constituencies and publics. This
accountability becomes the cornerstone for not only numerical enhancement of
women’s presence but also their ability to transform outcomes, the content and
the ways in which policy actors make public policy.
26.
The expert
group also emphasized the importance of studying these four concepts
systematically at all levels of governance: local, sub-national,
national, regional, sub-regional, transnational and international. In order to achieve women’s full
participation and representation at all levels, the establishment of mechanisms
to promote women’s presence in public office is of crucial importance. In addition, to fully achieve women’s
representation in political life, there must be gender equality across a full
range of decision-making levels:
·
the three branches of government – the legislature,
executive and judiciary—at all territorial levels including women’s policy
machineries;
·
non-state contexts such as trade unions, political parties,
interest groups, professional associations, and businesses/private sector;
·
Beyond national governance, women need to have a
decision-making presence in regional, sub-regional and international
organizations;
·
trans-national social
movements;
·
forums for the prevention and resolution of conflict and
peace building.
27.
The meeting
considered the importance of gender equality not only in decision-making arenas,
but also the interplay between the political and economic empowerment of women.
That is, how more women in positions of power can influence policies and
strategies for enhancing women’s economic opportunities and how, in turn, the
related enhancement of women’s economic status can provide better conditions for
accessing and ensuring effective participation in decision- making institutions.
D. Why more
women: Rationale, numbers, and beyond numbers
28.
Rationale
--
Both
practitioners and scholars agree that it is of utmost importance to have equal
numbers of women and men in political office. The meeting considered the following
arguments for this position:
·
The justice argument – women account for approximately
half the population and therefore have the right to be represented as
such.
·
The experience argument – women’s experiences are
different from men’s and need to be represented in discussions that result in
policy-making and implementation. These different experiences mean that women
‘do politics’ differently from men.
·
The interest argument – the interests of men and women
are different and even conflicting and therefore women are needed in
representative institutions to articulate the interests of
women.
·
The critical mass argument – women are able to achieve
solidarity of purpose to represent women’s interests when they achieve certain
levels of representation.
·
The symbolic argument - women are attracted to political
life if they have role models in the arena.
·
The democracy argument – the equal representation of
women and men enhances democratization of governance in both transitional and
consolidated democracies.
29. The experts’ analyses revealed that both the experience and the critical mass arguments were problematic. The experience argument tends to treat women as a homogenous group without acknowledging the economic, social and cultural diversity among them. The critical mass argument often views the 30 percent representation of women as a panacea and denies the evidence of contexts where women do achieve effective representation in smaller numbers. In practice, experts concurred that the critical mass of 30 percent is often used as a ceiling rather than a minimum.
30.
Numbers – The experts noted
that in the last ten years there has been progress towards the equal
representation of men and women in decision-making. As of September 2005, the
global average for women in parliaments stands at 16.0 percent. Additionally,
women have achieved 30 percent representation or more in national parliaments in
19 countries. However, progress has been uneven and slow and in some cases there
have been significant setbacks. Twenty-two countries out of 167 had reversals in
women’s representation in parliaments, while ten remained static. Experts also discussed issues of
longevity and sustainability of representation. They noted that in order for
women and men to make effective interventions in policy, they should be in
office for more than one term.
Table 1 shows that the number of women heads of state also
regressed.
32.
Beyond
Numbers -- The
experts agreed that the equal presence of women and men in decision-making
institutions is important, but they noted that there is a need to assess the
contexts and conditions in which their equal presence can become effective in
empowering women and men, and thereby sustain democracy. In the words of International IDEA, it
is important to look ‘Beyond Numbers’. Reflecting a consensus in the scientific
community, the experts at the meeting agreed that this issue can be discussed by
distinguishing between descriptive or numerical representation on the one hand,
and substantive representation on the other hand. This can be defined
as:
· Descriptive (Numerical) Representation – Where the individual represents a group by the virtue of sharing similar characteristics with the group such as race, sex, age, ethnicity or geographical area. Women representing women can be seen as a form of direct participation in decision-making bodies. Descriptive representation is based on the idea that the representative possesses a particular ascribed characteristic, for example sex, age or ethnicity, and by virtue of that identity will represent that group. The question of women achieving descriptive representation, therefore, is simply about counting the number of women in political office and not examining what women representatives are actually saying.
· Substantive representation –Where the individual seeks to advance a particular group’s policy preferences and interests, without necessarily being a member of the group as defined by race, sex, ethnicity, etc. Instead the focus is on what the representative is saying/doing and whether he or she is actually speaking/acting for a particular group in terms of the content of their positions and statements in public debates and policy discussions. The substantive representation of women, therefore, goes “beyond numbers”; more than an increase in women representatives, it is important that representatives, both men and women, speak for women’s interests. However, it is important to note that those interests are defined within specific political, cultural and social context.
33. As the numbers show, women’s descriptive representation is on the rise, albeit all too slowly. With respect to substantive representation, experts noted that there is some evidence that women representatives do attempt to address women’s basic needs, are approached by women’s groups to address their concerns and that on the whole, women representatives are less corrupt and therefore bring some degree of credibility to governance in the eyes of the electorate. Experts expressed concerns about women being brought into governance machineries without being able to make any significant shifts in the status of women or policy frameworks to address women’s rights, what is often seen as co-optation.
34. In more concrete terms, substantive representation is about the impact of women in decision-making positions on policy formulation and implementation. Policies can be aimed at gender mainstreaming or can explicitly advance agendas for gender equality in one area of policy. Women’s presence has also proven to be important in the formulation of policies on development, sustainable peace, and good governance. Studies have shown that women in decision-making positions play a crucial role in developing meaningful gender mainstreaming strategies, which effectively and authoritatively ensure focus on gender equality in all policy areas. Studies of gender mainstreaming have shown that unless there are key decision-makers and policy actors ready and willing to define gender mainstreaming as a means to achieve gender equality, mainstreaming efforts will not necessarily enhance women’s rights. Indeed, women’s policy machineries, women’s groups and individual actors work together in a wider range of national, international and transnational contexts to make gender mainstreaming and specific policies for gender equality more effective. In so doing, these women’s policy actors develop alliances and hence bring women and women’s interests into the affairs of government. Some analysts identify the potential of a Triangle of Women’s Empowerment (TOWE), in which women in political positions, both elected and appointed, work with national machineries for the advancement of women and the women’s movement to ensure the formulation and implementation of meaningful policies on gender equality. This collaboration has the potential to contribute to the democratization process in struggling democracies and in making stable democracies even more democratic. The figure below shows how the TOWE operates within national contexts.
35. Experts pointed out the importance of noting that effective gender mainstreaming and gender equality policy depends in large part on national machineries having the ability to represent women and women’s interests. These offices have the potential to be major conduits for women’s descriptive and substantive representation and participation in three ways:
· They may represent women substantively by bringing the consideration of women’s interests and gender equality issues into public policy discussion, formulation and implementation, often through gender mainstreaming;
· They can represent women descriptively and procedurally by helping the actual actors who speak for gender equality and for women to enter government policy-making arenas;
· Because women tend to work in and lead these agencies, although not in all cases, national machineries for the advancement of women may increase the participation of women at the national level.
The experts also pointed out that women’s movements should also be seen as having a representational role to play; both in terms of substantive and descriptive representation.
36. More generally, therefore, mobilization of women in all parts of government and outside of the state in interest groups, social movements, political parties and other participatory processes allows for women’s interests to be articulated. Broad-based women’s mobilization can be oriented toward challenging and refashioning conventional approaches to policy problems that may close out considerations of gender equality, and toward making claims against the state and governance institutions that may threaten gender equality. The experts reviewed three basic ways in which women engage in public life:
· Participation in political institutions - women engage in political institutions by participating in bureaucracies, policy-making bodies and representative organizations;
· Women organizing in the informal and formal sectors and spaces of politics – women’s movements (informal), human rights groups (formal), functional lobbying groups (formal) such as the Self-employed Women’s Association (SEWA) in India, and the Harvard-based worldwide network Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO). Many of these groups lobby governance institutions at all levels from the outside;
· Political and knowledge networks - academic and research groups and bodies that feed into policy institutions as well as political debates. These are networks that have outlined and promoted equality discourses in different contexts and worked for these to be translated or gender mainstreamed into policy. An example would be economists’ work on gender-sensitive budgeting.
The Role of Men
37. Feminist theories of patriarchy have identified men’s presence and dominance of political institutions as a major obstacle to women’s equality. Reflecting the emerging consensus in the gender and politics research community, the expert group emphasized that men have a crucial role to play in enhancing women’s representation and participation.
38. Men themselves can play a significant role in promoting gender equality policy development. As allies, they can support women’s initiatives and movements in their efforts towards equality. As major ‘gatekeepers’ of policy-making institutions, men can leverage women into positions of power either through direct selection and appointment or through putting pressure on other men. The expert group agreed that the emphasis on men should be seen as a paradigm shift that allows political actors to focus on gender equality training for men in representative and participative arenas.
IV. Increasing the
number of women in decision-making: A focus on national
legislatures
40. The first step in assessing the equal participation of women and men in political life is to focus on the issue of increasing the number of women in decision-making positions. Given the importance of national legislatures, the expert group focused on the processes, factors and mechanisms by which women gain entry into elected offices in legislative bodies. The experts first discussed the factors which hinder or facilitate women’s access to elected legislatures. They then assessed the mechanisms that operate to enable women to achieve increased levels of representation.
A.
Factors that enhance or hinder women’s
representation
41. Women make up 16 percent of representatives in both houses of parliament at the global level, which is consistent with trends at the sub-national and local levels. They are more under-represented in high-level decision-making positions, including as heads of state and government, presiding officers of parliaments and in cabinet positions. Furthermore, women continue to struggle to obtain decision-making positions within political parties. The experts noted that there are a number of factors that can impede, or support, women’s participation in decision-making.
42. The experts agreed that electoral systems had a direct impact on women’s participation in decision-making bodies. Research consistently shows that women’s representation is highest in countries using proportional representation (PR) systems. PR systems lead parties to balance their electoral tickets which often results in women’s demands for greater equality in decision-making being heard. Most majoritarian systems allow for the nomination of only one candidate per district, and parties overwhelmingly in this situation choose a male candidate. There are many other aspects of electoral system design that can affect women’s representation and should be carefully considered, such as electoral thresholds (the minimum percent of the vote required to obtain a seat in parliament), district magnitude (number of seats divided by the number of districts), and open versus closed lists in PR systems (the ability of voters to influence the election of candidates within a party list).
43. The experts noted that the structure and organization of political parties can be an obstacle to the participation of women. The impact of different types of party organizations and their internal culture, including clientelist parties, patronage-based parties and programmatic based parties, affect the influence of women within the party. Clientelist and patronage parties tend to have internal procedures that are poorly defined with rules that are likely to be ignored, and decision-making is dominated by a cadre of party elites who are, for the most part, men. Clientelism and patronage politics, therefore, make it difficult for women members to influence party policies. In addition, rather than seeing women as decision makers and leaders, party leaders tend to treat their female members instrumentally, to secure women’s votes and to involve them in the party’s lobbying and organizational activities.
44. Political parties are the major ‘gatekeepers’ in determining who will be candidates in elected office. They play a critical role in advancing or impeding women’s participation in decision-making bodies. Through the process of candidate selection (where candidates are taken on by the party for election), women face a number of obstacles. Men are often viewed as more viable and better candidates and are given preference to female candidates. Additionally, the pool from which political parties search for candidates tend to be dominated by men, such as trade union officials and local councilors. In PR systems, the position of women on the party list is crucial: if they are not placed in winnable positions they will not be elected.
45. Even when women possess the characteristics that make for good candidates, they often are not encouraged to step forward to become candidates. Women are also less likely to present themselves as candidates, often seeing themselves as lacking the skills necessary to perform well in politics. Sometimes women hesitate to become involved in party politics and show preference for participating in social movements which are less structured and more goal-oriented.
46. Even after selection as candidates, women seeking decision-making positions can be constrained by different factors. This can include a lack of financial support and time for campaigning because of difficulties in balancing family and public life, of confidence about relevant skills, of fewer connections to politically relevant networks. Additionally, the environment of political institutions is not ‘gender-friendly’ and deters some women from considering entering political life, for example, sitting times in parliaments, meeting schedules of political parties and lack of childcare facilities.
47. The group discussed in detail the application of quotas and the conditions under which they lead to the increased representation of women as a key factor in increasing women’s representation in decision-making. It was noted that quotas have been an effective tool to increase women’s access to decision-making. Sixteen of the twenty countries that have reached the target of 30 percent women in national legislatures use some type of quota. It was also noted that political parties in more than 80 countries around the world have currently implemented either reserved seats, legislated candidate quotas or have adopted voluntary quotas. Marked progress was noted in countries undergoing political transitions such as South Africa and Latin American states, and in post-conflict countries, such as Rwanda, Iraq and Afghanistan. Quotas were also considered in detail as an important mechanism to increase the number of women in national legislatures. They are examined in this context in the next section.
48. Women’s movements were also seen by the experts as being important in the process of increasing the numbers of women in legislatures. Women’s movements and groups lobby for equal representation, support women’s candidacies and special measures for recruitment and selection. Inside the party, activists with links with women’s movements place pressure on party leadership to pursue all possible measures toward women’s equality in political representation.
49. The socio-economic position of women in societies negatively affects their participation. Typically, women earn less than men, and the sexual division of labor in society also imposes burdens on women that are not normally faced by men. Women often face a triple burden when participating in politics. They have a responsibility to their work or profession, to their family, and if they become involved in politics they are effectively taking on a third full-time job. Most societies fail to organize in a manner that enables both men and women with families to share these responsibilities, particularly considering that child-rearing responsibilities tend to fall disproportionately on women.
B. Mechanisms for increasing women’s participation,
representation and leadership
50. Experts considered the various mechanisms to increase women’s presence in legislatures, and discussed the impact of electoral quotas. They noted that in general, political parties may develop incentives to attract women to the party such as providing funding to run an election campaign, providing access to networks, training and skills development for women candidates to stand for election, or setting targets within the party for a certain number of executive positions to be held by women.
51.
The most common mechanism for
increasing women’s participation in politics is an electoral quota, which is defined
as a mandatory percentage of women candidates for public elections. While in a
few countries reserved seats for women existed as far back as the 1950s, the
real push for quotas came in the 1990s with the introduction of quotas in
Argentina in 1991 and the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action at the
United Nation’s Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995. While quotas were met with great hope by
women throughout the world, their history is decidedly mixed. In mapping the
implementation of quotas, International IDEA found nearly 100 countries that had
either implemented quotas, previously used quotas or were considering
implementing quotas. Of these, 10 countries had adopted reserved seat guarantees
and 30 countries had adopted legislation mandating quotas. In addition, 130
political parties in 61 countries had voluntarily adopted quotas. The most up to
date information is made widely accessible through International IDEA/Stockholm
University Global Database on Electoral Quotas for Women website (www.quotaproject.org).
52.
Quotas can be
effective. Evidence from around the
world provides examples of where quotas have had immediate and direct effect on women’s
participation. In Argentina,
women’s participation increased from 5 to 25 and then to 30 percent in the space
of two elections. Rwanda is now the
world leader in women’s representation, with 48.8 percent of women in the
Parliament. The increase in women’s representation in Rwanda is in part due to
the adoption of quotas.
53.
There is no
‘one-size-fits-all’ model. The type of quotas adopted varies from
country to country depending upon the country’s electoral system and other
contexts. In proportional representation electoral systems
quotas are most effective when there is a high district/party magnitude,
where there is a placement mandate specifying which positions women must hold on
a party list (i.e. rather than a requirement that women hold 1/3 of the
positions on the list, a requirement that specifies women are to hold 1 of the
first three positions, 2 of the first six positions, etc. tends to be more
effective). In addition, there must be an effective sanction mechanism built
into the proposal. In the
Argentinean case when parties initially challenged the quota law, the Electoral
Tribunal ruled that any party that failed to uphold the requirements of the law
would have their party removed from ballots. This was a very effective sanction that
quickly led all parties to comply with the law. Quotas are also likely to be more
effective with closed list proportional systems than open list proportional
systems.
54.
Quotas
in majoritarian systems. The most common type of
quotas in electoral systems based on single
member constituencies, where a party presents one candidate, are reserved seats,
where a certain number of seats are reserved for women. Among reserved seat
systems, those in which the representative is directly elected rather than
appointed provide the individual MP with greater legitimacy and with greater
independence.
55.
Timing is an important
consideration: there are certain times in the political process when
opportunities to introduce quotas are increased. In countries undergoing
transition and constitutional and legal reform, such windows of opportunity
often exist.
56.
A post-conflict norm?
It is now common for quotas to be
considered as a means for securing women’s representation in post-conflict states. These quotas
have taken varying forms, ranging from voluntary party quotas adopted by the
ruling (liberation) parties in Mozambique, to reserved seats and constitutional
quotas, most recently introduced in Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq and Burundi.
57.
A positive effect, not a panacea. In the short term, quotas may dramatically increase the
representation of women, but they allow parties to make concessions to women
without necessarily addressing critical gender equality issues. The attainment of gender justice in
post-conflict states and in the consolidation of democracy in the long term
depends on a host of factors, including the development of a democratic
political culture, the level of mobilization of women in civil society, and the
transparency and accountability of democratic institutions. Most importantly,
the attainment of gender justice depends on the political will of party
leadership.
58.
Training and skills development. In order for quotas to be effective, both women and men
need access to training and skills development. Given that many women have had
little experience with running for political office, it is of utmost importance
that training be made readily available to allow women to develop and fine-tune
their political skills. Once in office, women may also benefit from leadership
training and mentoring to increase efficiency and ensure sustainability.
Training programs should also target men, to expose them to the complexities of
gender discrimination and the necessity of and mechanisms for promoting women in
public office.
V.
Beyond numbers: The impact of women’s political participation and
representation
59. Examination of methods and conditions for enhancing women’s presence in elected office is not enough. The experts emphasized that it is necessary to go “beyond numbers” and assess to what degree and under what conditions elected women actually do represent women and contribute to democracy and gender equality. In other words, how are women making a difference?
A. Conditions that enable
women to be effective in decision-making
processes
· the presence of individual women, and in some cases men, who as critical actors play key roles in the political process;
· the way in which certain political processes and institutions enhance women’s political influence – critical structures;
·
the unfolding of certain periods or moments
when forces combine to provide unprecedented opportunities for women to have influence in the policy-making process – critical junctures.
The sections below present the experts’ views
on how these conditions operate to contribute to enhancing the impact of women’s
representation and participation in political processes in a wide variety of
contexts.
61. Although many advocates of women’s empowerment have identified a critical mass of women in elected office as being a crucial factor in their ability to influence policy processes and outcomes, the experts observed that this is not always the case. Recent research suggests that a simple rise in numbers does not necessarily add up to a more effective female presence in parliament. For example, the increase in the number of women in parliaments can lead to more bills on women’s issues, but does not necessarily strengthen the political alliances necessary to get the bills passed. Women elected due to the introduction of quotas will not automatically become strategic allies in promoting policies that favour gender equality and gender mainstreaming.
62. The way in which women enter positions of power can determine whether they will be politically marginalized or become key players in their political organizations and in the decision-making positions in public office that they assume. Some women work their way up from the grassroots and through the party structures, which gives them both experience and legitimacy. Others enter politics as proxies for male relatives who are unable to run for office due to prohibitions on re-election or – ironically – the presence of gender quotas. While many of these ‘proxy women representatives’ remain politically marginalized with little impact on gender equality issues, others become competent political agents in their own right through the process of political socialization that begins as soon as they enter the political arena, gain experience and, in many cases, face gender discrimination.
63. The formulation of women’s interests is highly context-specific. The ease with which women legislators act individually and collectively on gender equality issues does not depend on their sex per se nor on their strength in terms of numbers. The different life experiences, multiple social identities, and adherence to various political or religious doctrines all shape how women – as much as men – come to define what they believe is in their best interest.
64.
Studies have shown that the ability of women elected to parliament to act as catalysts of
change both among their peers and within their parties depends on other
personal characteristics, such as their political career paths (through party
and grassroots activism or family ties), their personal ideological and moral
preferences, and their degree of loyalty and attachment to the party or
constituencies they technically represent. They bring with them many important
resources, such as the programmatic
backing of their party for gender equality issues, positions of influence within
their party, their personal prestige or family reputation, or strong connections
to the local women’s movement or to international gender equality
institutions.
65. The experts discussed issues of access at different levels of governance. They noted that while local political arenas are more accessible to women, there are also in some cases high security costs for women who challenge local hierarchies. The expert group agreed that the conventional wisdom that the local is always good for women does not play out in reality. For instance, political parties use women’s abilities (organizational, communicative etc.) at the local level, especially during election campaigns, without giving them the opportunity to be promoted in decision making bodies at local level and to participate in decision making process at national levels.
66. The experts also agreed that it is important to understand that resources are not just financial. Women politicians, like men, also need to have the support of powerful individuals, groups and networks to forward their political careers and to establish and widen their power bases once in positions of power. Without both financial and socio-political capital, women will not be able to achieve real political power. Thus, together with the understanding of the structural impediments to their participation in decision-making,